B.L.U.F.
A look back at a case that was used against us for many years. Today, it can be used in our favor to combat any attack on our Second Amendment protected rights through “it isn’t really an arm”.
(3300 words)
—Rhonda Ezell V. City of Chicago, No. 10-3525, slip op. at 3 (7th Cir. Jul. 12, 2011)
Wow, that is powerful language from the Seventh Circuit court. They are saying that the lower court done messed up, big time. You don’t normally think of the Seventh Circuit court as siding with The People on anything, much less a Second Amendment challenge.
It gets better
The day after the Supreme Court decided McDonald, the Chicago City Council’s Committee on Police and Fire held a hearing to explore possible legislative responses to the decision. A Chicago alderman asked the City’s legal counsel what could be done about firearms possession and other gun-related activity in the city, including shooting ranges. The City’s Corporation Counsel replied that the Council could “limit what we allow to operate in our city however is reasonable as decided by the City Council.”
The Committee quickly convened hearings and took testimony about the problem of gun violence in Chicago. Witnesses included academic experts on the issue of gun violence in general; community organizers and gun-control advocates; and law-enforcement officers, including Jody Weis, then the Superintendent of the Chicago Police Department. Based on these hearings, the Committee made recommendations to the City Council about how it should regulate firearm possession and other firearm-related activity.
The Council immediately took up the Committee’s recommendations and, just four days after McDonald was decided, repealed the City’s laws banning handgun possession and unanimously adopted the Responsible Gun Owners Ordinance. See Nat’l Rifle Ass’n of Am., Inc. v. City of Chicago, Ill., Nos. 10-3957, 10-3965 & 11-1016, 2011 WL 2150785, at *1 (7th Cir. June 2, 2011). The new Ordinance—a sweeping array of firearm restrictions—took effect on July 12, 2010. To give a sense of its scope: The Ordinance prohibits handgun possession outside the home, CHI. MUN. CODE § 8-20-020, and the possession of long guns outside the home or the owner’s fixed place of business, id. § 8-20-030. It forbids the sale or other transfer of firearms except through inheritance or between peace officers. Id. § 8-20-100. A person may have “no more than one firearm in his home assembled and operable.” Id. § 8-20-040. The Ordinance bans certain kinds of firearms, including assault weapons and “unsafe handgun[s],” as well as certain firearm accessories and types of ammunition. Id. §§ 8-20-060, 8-20-085, 8-20-170.
—id. at 4–5
The Committee quickly convened hearings and took testimony about the problem of gun violence in Chicago. Witnesses included academic experts on the issue of gun violence in general; community organizers and gun-control advocates; and law-enforcement officers, including Jody Weis, then the Superintendent of the Chicago Police Department. Based on these hearings, the Committee made recommendations to the City Council about how it should regulate firearm possession and other firearm-related activity.
The Council immediately took up the Committee’s recommendations and, just four days after McDonald was decided, repealed the City’s laws banning handgun possession and unanimously adopted the Responsible Gun Owners Ordinance. See Nat’l Rifle Ass’n of Am., Inc. v. City of Chicago, Ill., Nos. 10-3957, 10-3965 & 11-1016, 2011 WL 2150785, at *1 (7th Cir. June 2, 2011). The new Ordinance—a sweeping array of firearm restrictions—took effect on July 12, 2010. To give a sense of its scope: The Ordinance prohibits handgun possession outside the home, CHI. MUN. CODE § 8-20-020, and the possession of long guns outside the home or the owner’s fixed place of business, id. § 8-20-030. It forbids the sale or other transfer of firearms except through inheritance or between peace officers. Id. § 8-20-100. A person may have “no more than one firearm in his home assembled and operable.” Id. § 8-20-040. The Ordinance bans certain kinds of firearms, including assault weapons and “unsafe handgun[s],” as well as certain firearm accessories and types of ammunition. Id. §§ 8-20-060, 8-20-085, 8-20-170.
—id. at 4–5
And this is why we knew there were going to be Bruen response tantrums from every infringing Homo Sovieticus. They had done it after Heller in some states. When McDonald shoved it down their throats, they did it again. Every time. Every time.
Of course, the hearings were packed. There was nobody outside of rights infringing “Little Eichmanns” allowed into those hearings. Only one side was heard. They had stated a problem and were going to find a solution to the stated problem. A final solution, as it were. The problem, as stated, “How do we keep The People from keeping and bearing arms?”
They were able to get this new, Orwellian named, infringement passed in just four days.
Besides all the nasty documented above, The Ordinance also contains an elaborate permitting regime. It prohibits the possession of any firearm without a Chicago Firearm Permit.
—id. at 5
—id. at 11
We have written about the stages of a case, multiple times. The plaintiffs file for a TRO, preliminary injunction, and permanent injunction. They might request summary judgement anywhere along that path.
Each step takes time. Each step allows for an appeal. A court can drag its feet to extend a simple case over years. In this case, the judge was told that they had all the facts and had heard all the arguments to render a final judgement on the merits. He decided to just deal with the preliminary injunction.
That decision, by itself, added at least 6 months to the length of the case.
Oh, this is harsh:
—id.
“Hard to follow” is polite legal jargon for “done messed up, badly.”
—id. at 11–12
The first step, under Heller and affirmed by Bruen is to look at the plain text of the Second Amendment. If the conduct falls within the scope of the plain text, then the conduct is presumptively protected.
The inferior court ruled that organizations were not protected by the Second Amendment, at all. The court then found that the individuals had not suffered irreparable harm because it was just a minor hindrance to exercising their Second Amendment protected rights.
To Infringe: To destroy; to hinder.
—Samuel Johnson, Samuel Johnson’s Dictionary: infringe (1773) The Second Amendment’s unqualified command is “shall not be infringed”. Any hindrance is an infringement.
—Konigsberg V. State Bar of Cal., 6 L. Ed. 2d 105, n. 10 (1961)
irreparable harm: Deprivation of constitutional rights—Depriving someone of their constitutional rights, such as the right to free speech or due process, may cause irreparable harm that cannot be fully compensated with money.
—irreparable harm, LII / Legal Information Institute, (last visited Feb. 6, 2024)
In other words, hindering the right to keep and bear arms is irreparable harm. The inferior court got it wrong.
There is a methodology in many court opinions, and state filings, that goes something like: This infringement is completely acceptable because X, Y and Z. Even if that were not true, here is an entirely different reason it is acceptable.
That is what the Seventh Circuit court is saying the inferior court did.
—Rhonda Ezell V. City of Chicago, No. 10-3525, slip op. at 12
The entire bit about “establishing law that has not yet been expanded to that breath” is jaw-droppingly stupid. The breath of the rights protected by the Second Amendment exists within its unqualified command, “The right of The People to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed!” It is the court that is attempting to narrow the breath to fit its myopic view point.
If it is a minor dispute, why didn’t the court rule for the plaintiffs (good guys)? It might not be minor at that.
It never ceases to amaze me just how hard it is to prove to a rogue court that the plaintiffs are being irreparably harmed by denial of rights, yet how easy it is for the state to “show” that something bad might happen…
The Good Stuff
—id. at 14
Again, powerful language. The inferior court got it wrong. “Getting off on the wrong foot” strongly implies that the inferior court never got it right.
No other civil right is treated with as much disrespect as is the right to keep and bear arms. No court in the land would dream of finding the limitation of some communists rants “a minor inconvenience”. No court would find that some BLM protest being limited to a “free speech zone” was a “minor inconvenience.”
Yet time and time again, we find the state and rogue courts ruling that egregious infringements are “just a minor inconvenience”.
The inferior court had to have worked diligently to twist the logic to allow them to avoid finding that the conduct was outside the scope of Second Amendment protections.
My only disagreement with the merits panel is that they say it was the fault of the city confusing the inferior court. I do not believe that the inferior court was the least bit confused.
I’m not going to cover standing. We know the inferior court got it wrong. The merits panel slaps them around a bit.
—id. n. 7
Even the Seventh Circuit sees that the inferior, rogue, court is using every excuse possible to shut down the case.
The Seventh follows up with a jab to the chin, the inferior court staggers:
—id. at 20
“Profoundly mistaken” is legal speak for dumb ass mistake. It is extremely harsh language coming from a superior court.
The Seventh Circuit does yeoman like work in pointing out that these sorts of “minor inconveniences” would never be accepted in a First Amendment challenge.
They also point out that the inferior court was treating a facial constitutional challenge as an “as applied” case. Because these particular individuals could travel, the harm was correctable with payment of damages. That only works for as applied. As a facial challenge, there are people that cannot travel.
—id. at 24–25
The Seventh agrees, depriving somebody of their constitutionally protected rights, be it First Amendment, Second Amendment, or any other, constitutes irreparable harm.
Of course, Easterbrook and Woods would disagree.
—id. at 27
I double-checked, this was not an opinion out of the Fifth Circuit. The Seventh really did say this.
And this as well: With little precedent to synthesize, Heller focused almost exclusively on the original public meaning of the Second Amendment, consulting the text and relevant historical materials to determine how the Amendment was understood at the time of ratification. …
—id. at 28
Here is the Seventh, quoting McDonald: “[T]he scope of the Second Amendment right” is determined by textual and historical inquiry, not interest-balancing.
—id. at 30
The court then babbles about which time frame to use, 1791 or 1868. An argument that has to be shutdown, today. They also have an inversion of the state’s burden. The language is a bit stilted, but it seems as if they are saying that if the state can’t find an “it is allowed”, it is assumed to be unconstitutional. For example: If the government cannot establish this—if the historical evidence is inconclusive or suggests that the regulated activity is not categorically unprotected—then there must be a second inquiry into the strength of the government’s justification for restricting or regulating the exercise of Second Amendment rights.
—id. at 33
Another right cross to the chin:
—id. at 37
To give you an example of just how bad it was before Heller, the court discusses how the new standards under Heller forbid the use of “rational-basis”. If you thought “intermediate-scrutiny” was bad, “ration-basis” is “we want to do this” and that was good enough.
—id. at 49
Firing ranges are not mentioned in the Second Amendment, they are still protected.
Some Extras
—id. at 53
Judge Rovner is not a friend. He concurs, but finds that the idea of nearly strict-scrutiny is too much.
Conclusion
It is important to look at some of these past loses for language that is useful today. Jude Rovner doesn’t think that firing ranges are protected under the Second Amendment because they are ancillary. The majority did find them protected.
There is a reason that Judge Benitez is such a strong defender of The People, his use of the infringers own words in citing Ezell is more proof of that.
Again, the court purported to enter an alternative holding: “Even if” the organizations had standing to assert a claim under Heller and McDonald, they “failed to present sufficient evidence … that their constituency has been unable to comply with the statute.”
.
That’s an “interesting” definition of “irreparable harm” the court decided to use. It’s not irreparable harm unless you cannot comply? Well, then, any firearm infringement up to and including a full ban is not irreparable! Sure, complying would mean giving up all your guns, but that’s not impossible! You can do it, so just do it!
.
It’s good that the Seventh Circuit saw right through Chicago’s “two-step infringement”. (The “two-steps”, in this case: 1. The City requires live-fire range training to qualify for a permit; and 2. The City bans all ranges within city limits so you cannot get live-fire range training to qualify for a permit.)
.
It’s similar in construction to New York City’s crazy law saying that, 1. Firing ranges aren’t allowed in the city, so you’ll have to go outside the city to practice; and 2. You cannot transport a firearm unless traveling directly to or from a firing range within the city (read: transporting a firearm outside the city is prohibited). The end result is the same: you cannot legally train or practice shooting.
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Or Oregon’s Mz. 114 “permit-to-purchase” law: 1. The law says you must get training from law enforcement to qualify for a permit; and 2. The law has no provision for funding necessary for law enforcement to develop or administer training, nor any requirement that any agency actually provide training (it’s up to them). IOW: first, training is required; and second, training is unavailable — and thus, no permits can be issued.
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That the blanket prohibition was accomplished in two steps instead of one doesn’t make it any less a blanket prohibition, nor any less unconstitutional.
Another example was an anti-gun bill proposed a year or two ago by the usual suspects. One requirement was for getting a permit, for which you had to apply in person, and the bill required there to be at least two offices “both in a rural and urban location”. In other words, one office in Beaumont, TX, and one in Mentone, TX would comply with the letter of that proposed law.
The bad guys have no intention of stopping their evil practices, that has been clear for decades if not centuries.